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Greer Jarrett tracking Viking Age voyages through traditional seafaring © Jarrett

Norðvegr – Sailing the Coast of Norway Year 1000

For three years, the archaeologist Greer Jarrett and his crew sailed up and down the coast of Norway in an old clinker-built Viking boat mapping the maritime mindscape of the Northmen

Discovering lost viking harbours. The map outlines the travels of Greer Jarrett and his crew along the Norwegian coast © Greer Jarrett
Discovering lost viking harbours. The map outlines the travels of Greer Jarrett and his crew along the Norwegian coast © Greer Jarrett

The Norwegian state, Norway, derives from the sailing route along the coast known as the Norðvegr. A recent paper explores this Norðvegr and its maritime mindscape as a lived experience.

What did it feel like to travel long distances in an open, clinker-built Viking boat along the Norwegian coast at the turn of the first millennium, when Cnut the Great ruled north-western Europe from Newfoundland to Sigtuna in Sweden? How did it all hang together? One of the preconditions was, of course, the technology – the Viking ships and boats, their oars, sails and rigging, the hardtack, and all the other paraphernalia involved. However, another was the knowledge of how to make way: the maritime mindscape. In terms of archaeology and literary studies, this is certainly not an unexplored field. An important contribution, however, has been the experimental archaeology carried out since the first recreation of a Viking ship set sail for Chicago in 1893. Most of these voyages have had the character of large-scale enterprises involving reconstructed ships based on the famous larger vessels discovered in Norwegian burial mounds or in the Firth of Roskilde.

Recently, though, experimental voyages have taken on another, and perhaps less spectacular, character: charting and exploring parts of the Norðvegr, which formed part of the via franca of the north-western European realm. What was the feasibility of travelling up and down the Norwegian coast in the small, ordinary, day-to-day clinker-built ships of yesteryear?

Greer Jarrett and his crew have explored this question “through experimental and ethnographic fieldwork onboard traditional Norwegian boats, focusing on aspects of Viking Age route choice, risk judgement, and the location of possible anchorages and harbours”. The goal has been not only to discover where people travelled, but also, through the identification of small harbours, to reconstruct concrete maritime itineraries along the Norwegian coast. In 2022, the sailing boat – an open, square-rigged clinker vessel modelled on those used during the Viking Age (800–1050 AD) – made a journey from Trondheim to the Arctic Circle. Since then, Jarrett and his team have sailed more than 5,000 km along historic Viking trade routes.

His research suggests that Viking voyages often took place well offshore, challenging earlier assumptions about their navigation methods. Simply put, navigating close to the coast appears to have been more unpredictable, as underwater currents and winds descending from the mountains created more complex sailing conditions. In short, the idea that Viking ships and boats sought to “hug the coast” is a myth. Putting out to sea was, in many cases, a better option. Over time, the Vikings became thoroughly accomplished seafarers. In an earlier study, Jarrett and his colleagues showed that, during the Middle Ages, Greenlanders could use this type of boat to reach remote areas of the Arctic in search of walrus tusks, while interacting with Inuit communities in the High Arctic.
Another conclusion is that the concrete experience of the preferability of the open sea helps to explain the location of the royal manors linked to the sea-king, Harald Fairhair, in Hordaland, which display a marked preference for outlying coastal areas. It may also explain why populations in inner Norway, hit by the climatic downturn after AD 536, moved westwards to the sea rather than maintaining settlements in the interior peninsula.

The Maritime Mindscape

One result has been the identification of four long-forgotten landing sites awaiting archaeological excavation. It is hoped that they will yield information about jetties, ballast stones, cooking pits, shelters, dung heaps, and other material remains – lost coins, amulets, and so forth.

However, one of the most important results of the research has been the identification of a cultural commonality which Jarrett has termed “the Maritime Mindscape”, or more precisely, “the Maritime Cultural Mindscape”. Put simply, the research has uncovered the practical seamanship underpinning the performance of this Maritime Mindscape, which was shared by people across the north-west and is also reflected in the literature (Jesch 2015), in mental geography (Jackson 2009), and in place-names signifying shipyards and landing sites (Stylegar 2002). Some Icelandic texts, such as Landnámabók, include passages that may be read as straightforward land- and sea-marks, so-called landkenningar.

The research has also shown that navigation was indeed possible – even across the open sea – without technical instruments. Seafarers well versed in this traditional lore would have been highly prized. In this respect, however, the recreated experience can never be entirely precise.
For reasons of safety, one “experience” was not explored: ignoring the weather forecast. Nor was the need to avoid actual Vikings – that is, pirates – part of the agenda. Moreover, relative sea level in 2022 differs from that of 1,200 years ago. Post-glacial land uplift would have resulted in a coastline that today lies approximately 3–5 metres below the level known from AD 1000.

PHOTOS:

Lund University and Greer Jarrett.

SOURCES:

Maritime Mindscapes: using experimental archaeology to reconstruct Viking Age seafaring routes
By Greer Jarrett
In D. Dangvard Pedersen, & J. Hansen (Eds.): Travelling Viking Age: Proceedings of the 40th Interdisciplinary Viking Symposium. Odense, University of Southern Denmark, May 3, 2023 (pp. 8-23).
(Kulturhistoriske studier i centralitet – Archaeological & Historical Studies in Centrality; Vol. 11). Forskningscenter: Centrum – Museum Odense – University Press of Southern Denmark

The lore of the leið: Tracking Viking Age voyages through traditional seafaring.
By Greer Jarrett
Acta Archaeologica Lundensia Series Altera in 8°, No 77
Doctoral Thesis (compilation), Department of Archaeology and Ancient
History, Lund University (2025).

From the Masthead to the Map: An Experimental and Digital Approach to Viking Age Seafaring Itineraries.
By Greer Jarrett
Journal of Archaeological  Method Theory 32, 42.

The Threatening Wave: Norse Poetry and the Scottish Isles
By Janet Jesch
In: Barrett, J.H., Gibbon, S.J. (Eds.), Maritime Societies of the Viking and Medieval World. Routledge (2015)
Leeds, pp. 320–332.

Place-names as evidence for ancient maritime culture in Norway
By Frans-Arne H Stylegar
Årbok Norsk Sjøfartsmuseum 2002, pp 79-115

Ways on the “mental map” of medieval Scandinavians,
By T. N. Jackson
in: Heizmann, W., Böldl, K., Beck, H., Schier, K. (Eds.), Analecta Septentrionalia: Beiträge Zur Nordgermanischen Kultur- Und Literaturgeschichte. De Gruyter, Berlin, pp. 211–220.

 

 

Natural history of plague © schousboe

The Natural History of Plague

Recent studies of aDNA have yielded new and important information concerning the natural and clinical history of plague. A new comprehensive review offers an up-to-date history

The plague is caused by a zoonotic bacterium, Yersinia pestis. First isolated in 1894, it was identified as the cause of the Hong Kong Epidemic. Later, in the 20th century, the same bacteria were shown to have caused the Black Death. Recently – due to studies of the aDNA – Yersina pestis have also been shown to have caused the Justinian plague as well as very recently epidemic events in prehistory 2800 BC. Also – which the article does not refer to – the discovery of the likely role of a plague epidemic following in the footsteps of the Yamnaia.

During its natural history, the pathogen has undergone numerous mutations at different rates, transforming it from a variant of Yersinia pseudotuberculosis to more or less virulent Yersinia Pestis, traditionally divided into three bio-variations termed the Antiqua, the Medievalis, and the Orientalis – named after three major epidemics, the Justinian Plague, The Black Death, and the Hong Kong epidemic. The three variants may still be found in reservoirs in respectively Central Asia, Siberia and Russia (the Antiqua), Central Asia (the Black Death), and China (Orientalis). However, the biotypes intermingled – also historically. To this should be added the knowledge, that the bacterium mutated while the different waves of an epidemic played out.

Transmission

Transmission to humans from carriers typically happens via flea bites, but it can also follow through direct contact with infected animals for instance by handling or eating them, or by inhaling aerosols from patients. Modern incidents tell of infections from squirrels, but also via predators infected from carcasses (Pumas in Yellowstone). Plague comes in three forms – bubonic, septicemic and pneumonic. While people can survive bubonic plague, the septicemic and pneumonic forms are 90-100% deadly.

Yersinia Pestis is a highly virulent pathogen known to infect over 200 different mammals. Of these, more than 351 species of rodents can act as hosts, and 279 have been identified as plague carriers. Thus, the former focus among historians on the rat as the main vector would seem to be excessive. Marmots may have played a significant role in the northern parts of Europe, causing the epidemics known as the Sylvatic or (wild) plagues spreading among groundhogs, great gerbils, squirrels, prairie dogs, rabbits, and water voles. Although human contact may at first sight be expected to be rare, hunters and trappers in Siberia and further west into Scandinavia, would historically be daily exposed, thus explaining the heavy toll that the Black Death also had in secluded spots in Norway and Sweden (as well as during the Justinian plague in Bavaria). Today, the so-called wet markets in China and Asia are not just potential petri dishes for viruses like Covid but also plagues.

As opposed to the Sylvatic plagues, the Urban form is epidemic and relies on rats as the hosts and fleas as the vectors. However, the epidemic character of the urban plague has also to do with the fact that written documentation describes them as such. As opposed to this, the sylvatic form is only known from archaeology and paleo-genomics, leading to a more confused impression, such as the puzzlement forged by the pattern of infections and mortality in Norway (with no particular black rat population in the interior, see Benedictow).

Exactly how lethal the different plagues hit, has been debated. Currently, though, the opinion is that the plagues hit hard, albeit at different levels in different regions and types of settled areas, ranging – during the Black Death – between 30 – 50% with averages of 45%. The recurrent infections also raise questions which need to be addressed in the future. As is known, the Black Death was not just a one-off epidemic hitting Europe harshly between 1348-51. For at least 350 years, outbreaks continued. Were they sourced in natural reservoirs? Or did they take place due to the constant mutations of the bacterium and its ability to bypass the developing immune system of people?

One particular element to be considered in the future (and which the review does not consider) will be the interplay between climate deterioration and the four great plagues. The plague victims discovered in graves from 3000-2800 BC, played out during the so-called neolithic decline when a unique combination of solar activity, cosmic rays and decentering of the geomagnetic fields took place. This might be compared to the chronological correspondence between the volcanic-forced LALIA AD 536-41 and the Justinian plague. Finally, the climatic downturn took in the later Middle Ages, which ultimately leading to the Little Ice Age coincided with the eruption of the Black Death. The mechanism appears to be the increase in the number of rodents seeking food and shelter at times of famine. Also, less favourable climatic conditions may cause rodent populations to collapse, forcing the fleas to migrate to other mammals; that is people.

SOURCES:

The Natural and Clinical History of Plague: From the Ancient
Pandemics to Modern Insights
Antoni Bennasar-Figueras
In: Microorganisms, January 2024. Open Source

Yersinia pestis: the natural history of plague.
By Barbieri, r., Drancourt, M. et al.
In Clinical Microbiology Rev 34:e00044-19

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In: Cell 2019, vol 176, pp 295 – 305